Archive for the ‘Labour politics’ Category

Labour must read political tea-leaves carefully

Thursday, May 27th, 2010

Labour lost because it didn’t have the right approach on immigration. That’s the view being debated by a number of people analyzing the party’s defeat. I don’t know if they are right but I do know that Labour should read political tea leaves with care.

Many (not all) of those expressing fears over the party’s approach to immigration have taken their lead from ‘the doorstep’ – people they met during the campaign. That’s not a bad thing to go on but must be treated with a pinch of salt. Proactively, most campaigners will have only met a very small proportion of the electorate. And reactively (street stalls etc) only those passionate enough to come forward.

Moreover, it’s not entirely clear whether it was Labour’s policies that were wrong or the communication / understanding of them. Given that immigration increases as a political issue the closer in inverse proportion to the number of migrants living in an area, it’s reasonable to presume that the same people aren’t well versed on ‘who is coming in’ or even what hoops ‘they’ have to jump through to come here.

More detailed, constructive psephological and qualitative research will doubtless be available although Labour won’t be able to afford the sort of detailed analysis that Michael Ashcroft of Belize funded for the Tories. But even then, accurate opinion research tends to take second place for many people if it doesn’t underscore what they already wanted to say. How many times does an MP say ‘I’ve changed my mind now I know my constituents don’t think like that’?

Moreover, it’s becoming more difficult to construct a single policy position with widespread appeal as the country fragments into lots of nuanced positions. You can’t rely on a single demographic (whether class or faith-based0 to react in the same way as you previously presumed. And even if it was, we also know that in 2005 the Tories had the most popular policies (when tested ‘blind’) but that because the Tories were saying it, they didn’t make the breakthrough they hoped.

Finally, the most creative, inspiring campaigns aren’t those tested to destruction. Those companies with the best ads, products, ideas are usually those which don’t rely on sentiment worms, focus groups et al to determine what they do, merely to inform decisions they make. And even then they interrogate the analysis to work out exactly what it means. There’s no way that Boris Johnson would even get admitted to party membership (even in the Lib Dems) if we judged our politics based on a focus group ideal.

None of this is intended as a specific riposte to those who say Labour needs a different approach on immigration (it might), nor those searching for reasons as to why it lost (we need them, supported by evidence). But if the formation of the Con Dem coalition has taught us anything so far, it should be that politics is as much about chemistry as it is physics, instinct as much as analysis.

A Progressive Entrepreneurs association

Wednesday, May 19th, 2010

Hearing the British Chamber of Commerce on 5Live this morning reminded me that employers organisations don’t represent my views. Listening to David Miliband last night enthused me with the need to contribute to the renewal of the Labour party. So how’s this idea: a association of entrepreneurs, supportive of Labour values, poorly represented by the big beasts of the CBI, IOD and BCC, and keen to ensure that Labour hears from -and engages with – entrepreneurs who are risking everything to grow responsible businesses.

The association would be aligned with the Labour Party – a significant proportion of its income would be donated to the party (or maybe even candidates with a good business background?). It would seek to influence party policy and shadow spokespeople both through private events and by having a strong presence in the party.

Progressive Entrepreneurs would gain its legitimacy through public set-pieces such as research papers, polling, or proposals around the budget. It would be an alternative business voice to the status quo, showing that progressive businesses do support the minimum wage, recognising trade unions and offering flexible working opportunities. But it would also oppose initiatives which see Labour on the wrong side of entrepreneurs.

It should also be a good networking opportunity – though plenty of other organisations fill that gap. But the events must be fun and probably not too self-important.

I see no reason why it needs high overheads – and membership must be affordable. A broad base will guard against allegations of buying influence (as will transparency of its policy positions).

But it should be more policy oriented than the Thousand Club and have more legitimacy than Business for Labour.

Success for the organisation would have three elements: a Labour party with progressive policies which are neither unreasonable for workers or entrpreneurs; a public face for progressive businesses which didn’t just blindly attack regulation and criticise the public sector; an association of people some of whom would not have joined the Labour party but can make a constructive input to its future.

This idea is fresh and inevitably rough round the edges. But if you can help improve it, please comment below. And if you think it has legs, I’ll take it to the next stage.

Labour Party reform isn’t about GCs

Tuesday, May 18th, 2010

I was pleased to hear David Miliband set out his commitment to reform the Labour Party in his announcement speech yesterday. And in citing Phil Wilson MP he is talking to someone who has given the issue a lot of thought.

But anyone who thinks that a central issue of Labour Party reform is what the local GC is for, who should go and where and when it should be held is both mistaken and deeply unambitious.

The first big push to deal with local party structures that I remember was in 1998-00 when I was a newly elected Chair of my CLP. It was a deeply flawed process – trying to move to a more fluid system by replacing one set of meetings with another – rather than looking at what people wanted to achieve and devising the most effective way to do that. In short, the reformers were trapped by the structure they wanted to scrap. And like so much of New Labour’s managerialism it was a deeply disempowering process. For better of for worse (and usually just beningly) lots of long-serving activists actually like the existing structures and take pride in being elected to positions by their peers.

There’s not a single Labour Party rule that stops a member going out campaigning. And the informal changes brought about by advertising canvassing sessions on Facebook, coupled with the new national phone bank infrastructure means that there is no excuse for people who want to sit in meetings on a weekday evening to argue about the summer barbeque to do so whilst more action-oriented people to follow the tried and trusted practice of the Jehovah Witnesses by door-knocking.

Instead, any serious Labour Party reform has to begin with a settlement about what the party is for: electing and scrutinising politicians, sustaining a Labour government or achieving social justice. From that, a pitch can be made to members and prospective members who can then determine the most effective way of achieving their goals.

This may be obvious but we’re a long way from that at the moment. I wager that no-one has joined the Labour Party in the last year to scrutinise their local councillor for adherence to Labour values. And we have a structure of campaigning and organising that is perfectly suited to electing MPs under a first past the post system but incapable of usefully recording that a resident will split their three votes for local council and vote a different way in the Mayoral race from the parliamentary. And whilst I’ve little doubt that most in the Labour Party want to achieve social change, I bet that in between elections most do so through voluntary or faith groups rather than through the party.

We also need to consider the lessons from government. How does the party maintain its identity, support the government but continue to assert its values where required? Is Labour whatever it’s current prime minister does in office? Is the party his or her’s to be run for their political benefit?

And what does a meaningful trade union link really mean? That the local union branch gets invites to the meetings? Or that they get tutted at for not attending the street stall? That they write the cheques or use their organising skills of Polish-speaking workers to encourage them to register to vote?

And how can a British political party -with all of our cultural traditions – be part of a movement for change alongside other activists?

These are some of the critical issues that excite me about real change in the Party. If it descends into the what and where of GCs we will have failed. But if we can really change the party into a modern force for change – well that would be exciting enough to get me along to my GC!